Tribal Areas cauldron
Khalid Khokhar
America’s inability to contain violence in Afghanistan that claimed a
growing number of NATO and ISAF casualties, found an easy scapegoat in
the shape of Pakistan’s so-called half-hearted efforts against Al-Qaeda.
It has forced US military commanders to adopt a more aggressive strategy
by including “militant sanctuaries” of tribal areas of Pakistan in the
ambit of NATO mandate. Admiral Mike Mullen, chairman of the U.S. Joint
Chiefs of Staff, disclosed in a congressional hearing this year that
“Until we work more closely with the Pakistani government to eliminate
the safe havens from which they operate, the enemy will only keep
coming”.
Washington has repeatedly accused the Pakistani military of failing to
suppress Islamist militants and alleged that Pakistani Military
Intelligence is actively supporting anti-US operations inside
Afghanistan. The series of 14 missile strikes from unmanned drones have
targeted hundreds of innocent people in the tribal belt. A ground
assault on Sept. 3, 2008 by helicopter-borne US commandos, evoked an
unusually strong reaction in Pakistan that alarmed the US administration
which was willing to take immediate steps to deescalate the situation.
There would be no compromise on the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Pakistan. In order to dilute the stern reaction, Mullen
“reiterated the U.S. commitment to respect Pakistan’s sovereignty and to
develop further U.S.-Pakistani cooperation and coordination on these
critical issues that challenge the security and well-being of the people
of both countries.” Admitting that unilateral action in Pakistani
territory is not a viable solution, US Deputy Secretary of State John
Negroponte has said co-operative efforts by the anti-terrorism partners
provide the best way forward. Pakistan is facing an unstable mix of
intrigue, economic crisis, simmering insurgency and deepening mistrust
that could destroy its fledgling democracy and could destabilize the
country, if things went really wrong. The intensification of US strikes
inside Pakistan threatens to further destabilise the country. France
issued a statement warning that US strikes were generating hostility
inside Pakistan and undermining NATO operations inside Afghanistan. The
British PM Gordon Brown voiced opposition to the US strikes against
militants in Pakistan during President Zardari’s recent visit to London.
The main objective of US is to “prevent more attacks on the American
people”. The US think that these sanctuaries can become strongholds and
the entire geographic space could drift into al Qaeda control. In
assessing capabilities, many believe that US counter efforts have
weakened al Qaeda’s central leadership structure and capabilities to the
point where al Qaeda can not coordinate attack of 9/11 magnitude. The
question arises, is it worth the ghost hunt US have been on since
September 11? There has not been a credible sighting of Osama bin Laden
since he escaped from Tora Bora in October 2001. As for al-Qaeda, there
are few signs it’s even still alive, other than a dispersed leadership
taking refuge with the Taliban. Al-Qaeda couldn’t even manage to post a
statement on the Internet marking September 11, let alone set off a
bomb. How come people in the remotest area of the world can pose a
meaningful threat to Americans living thousands of miles away from the
boiling pot? The under-privileged and down-trodden militants have no
global agenda to threaten western security. Military and independent
analysts estimate between 150 and 500 hard-core al Qaeda foreigners,
especially Uzbeks, Chechens, Arabs and Afghans, who are operating in the
tribal area, therefore the magnitude of threat is self-conceited and
unrealistic.
One of the negative fallout of the war on terror has been a growing
trust deficit between Washington and Islamabad. It is manifested in
American belief that Pakistan is not doing its utmost against the
insurgents. Mistrust is evident in continued accusations against
Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence agency (ISI) for what US
officials call “double-handed dealing” and outright support of the
Taliban. There has been a significant shift in the US military’s
strategy vis-à-vis Pakistan in dealing with counter-terror measures in
the FATA as, contrary to the past practice, they have stopped informing
Pakistan or its security establishment of any military strikes on
suspected Al Qaeda or Taliban targets in the region. While U.S. distrust
over ISI and Pakistan motives in FATA will take time to repair, Pakistan
should create integrated and joint operations centers at ISI or Army GHQ
with US military, State Department, law enforcement and intelligence
officers in residence to take on the insurgency politically,
economically and militarily. This also includes equipping and training
Pakistani forces with advanced equipment needed to defeat the
insurgency. Terrorism is a political phenomenon. Consequently, until the
political problems that give rise to contemporary global terrorism are
resolved, the struggle against it will not be successful. Apart from
losing 10,267 lives in the Global War on Terror during the previous five
years (as per a survey published in The News on Sept. 23), Pakistan is
facing plethora of allied problems. Inflation is running rampant at
about 30 percent. The balance of payments deficit has soared to $20
billion and will clean out Pakistani reserves this fall, if loans cannot
be arranged. Energy crisis and upsurge in commodity prices have left
deep marks on the living standard of average Pakistani. The America
needs to work on these lines.
Defeating these terrorists and extremists is also Pakistan’s
responsibility because every nation has an obligation to govern its own
territory and make certain that it does not become a safe haven for
terror. This is Pakistan’s war. As the U.S. National Security Strategy
indicated, the United States cannot win the war on terrorism by military
power alone, it needs to win the war of ideas. To win the fight against
terrorism an alternative strategy is needed. The threat might focus on
such policy objectives as addressing regional conflicts, promoting
democracy in the tribal areas, cooperating with tribal elders to prevent
terrorism financing and terrorist infiltration, and improving public
diplomacy through “peace initiatives” with the tribal elders in FATA.
All of the above challenges can be met but only with the help of allies.
The United States will need to work hard to gain back the support and
trust of their closest ally – Pakistan. Needless to say, future use of
the strategy will require the rebuilding and shoring up of the building
blocks of international cooperation in an effort to take tribal areas
out of the boiling cauldron.
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